On October 7, three years to the day after the Hamas attack, Israel missed a Pentagon deadline for 12 Boeing AH-64E Apache attack helicopters. The deal, worth about $1 billion, rested on a Dept of War production order. The Israel Air Force, the Defense Ministry and the National Security Council all backed it. The US granted three extensions over a year. Israel never placed the order.
The gap was $288 million, about a third of the price, payable over several years. The Defense and Finance Ministries could not agree on a funding source. A senior Israeli defense official told Calcalist the country was “delaying the U.S. military’s own procurement schedule.” The production slot is gone. A revived deal could cost more and arrive later, and a senior security official said the aircraft could be offered to others, potentially Saudi Arabia, Egypt or Jordan.
Five days after the missed deadline, Israel opened a national pavilion at AUSA, the US Army’s largest trade show. 19 companies exhibited. The Defense Ministry repeated its headline: exports passed $19.2 billion in 2025, a record for the fifth straight year.
But the picture inside Israel is opposite. A Government Companies Authority review found last week that billions of shekels in unpaid Ministry of Defense obligations forced state-owned defense contractors to shoulder over 500 million shekels in private financing costs. Approved-invoice liabilities owed by the MoD to Israeli defense companies reached 14.3 billion shekels at mid-year. The mounting arrears have triggered retaliatory withholding of state dividends, supply chain gridlock, and warnings of scaled-back research and development spending.
In about two months Israel must order two more KC-46 tankers (about $500 million), and a few weeks later its option on six CH-53K heavy-lift helicopters (about $1 billion) expires, with a senior officer saying there is “no budgetary source for them whatsoever.”
The contrast between defense export highs and local defense procurement lows couldn’t be starker. This kind of mismanagement of domestic defense-industrial resources directly risks state security.
This isn’t only Israel’s problem. Arms makers now have more orders than they can fill, so production slots go to the buyers who commit first, and a government that can’t approve its spending in time loses its place in line, however innovative its industry is or however “special” its relationships are.
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In Other News
IDF Outposts Remain Vulnerable to Drones Due to Outdated Fortification Doctrine
Writing for TheMarker, fortification engineer Yehuda Kfir argues that the Israel Defense Forces continues to rely on 20th-century static defensive concepts and improvised materials along combat lines, leaving observation posts exposed to commercially available FPV and fiber-optic-guided drones. While modern combat theaters like Ukraine have mandated rigid overhead concrete covers, anti-drone netting, and underground tactical integration, Israeli forward positions remain dependent on non-hermetic electronic warfare and straight-line earthen barriers. The systemic delay in overhauling tactical architecture leaves frontline troops vulnerable to precision aerial munitions and hostile compound breaches.
This is reason #3104 why Israel has to have an independent state commission of enquiry into October 7 War.
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